{"id":578,"date":"2017-06-17T07:45:33","date_gmt":"2017-06-17T04:45:33","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/tr.uyghuracademy.org\/?p=578"},"modified":"2017-07-19T23:17:02","modified_gmt":"2017-07-19T20:17:02","slug":"578","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/tr.uyghuracademy.org\/?p=578","title":{"rendered":"T\u00dcRK-\u00c7\u0130N \u0130L\u0130\u015eK\u0130LER\u0130N\u0130N GEL\u0130\u015eMES\u0130"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"T\u00fcrkiye Paris B\u00fcy\u00fckel\u00e7isi Hasan Esat I\u015f\u0131k ile \u00c7in Halk Cumhuriyeti Paris B\u00fcy\u00fckel\u00e7isi Huang-chen aras\u0131nda 4 A\u011fustos 1971\u2019de imzalanan bir protokolle iki \u00fclke aras\u0131ndaki diplomatik ili\u015fki tesis edilmi\u015fti. Bu protokole g\u00f6re, \u201cBa\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k, egemenlik, i\u00e7 i\u015flerine kar\u0131\u015fmama, hak e\u015fitli\u011fi, toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 koruma prensibi \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde, bug\u00fcnden itibaren diplomatik ili\u015fkinin kurulmas\u0131na karar verilmi\u015ftir.\u201d Bu diplomasi belgesinin 35 y\u0131l \u00f6nce imzalanmas\u0131yla T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de siyas\u00ee \u00e7evreler aras\u0131nda tart\u0131\u015fmalar ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu tart\u0131\u015fmalar, \u00c7in Halk Cumhuriyeti ile kurulan diplomatik ili\u015fkinin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye ne getirip T\u00fcrkiye\u2019den ne g\u00f6t\u00fcrece\u011fi meselesi yani milli \u00e7\u0131karlar \u00fczerineydi. Ancak, tart\u0131\u015fma neticesinde \u00c7in ile diplomatik ili\u015fkinin tesis edilme sebebi gizli kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

ABD ordusunun Vietnam\u2019da saplanmas\u0131 ve Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin giderek g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131 ile Washington siyas\u00ee alanda zor g\u00fcnler ya\u015famaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu olumsuz durumun de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesi i\u00e7in Richard Nixon h\u00fck\u00fcmeti ulusal g\u00fcvenlik dan\u0131\u015fman\u0131 Henry Kissinger\u2019in tavsiyesi ile Vietnam\u2019dan \u00e7\u0131kma ve Sovyetlere kar\u015f\u0131 \u00c7in\u2019i stratejik ortak olarak se\u00e7me politikas\u0131 benimsenmi\u015fti. Washington\u2019un yeni \u00c7in politikas\u0131, bir\u00e7ok \u00fclkenin Pekin\u2019i tan\u0131mas\u0131na neden olmu\u015ftu.<\/p>\n

Bu uluslararas\u0131 konjonkt\u00fcrel de\u011fi\u015fim \u00fczerine Ankara da \u00c7in ile diplomatik ili\u015fki tesis edilmesine karar vermi\u015f ve Kissinger\u2019in tarihi \u00c7in ziyaretinden hemen sonra 4 A\u011fustos 1971\u2019de iki taraf kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 imza atarak bu ili\u015fkiyi hayata ge\u00e7irmi\u015fti. Asl\u0131nda \u00c7in i\u00e7in T\u00fcrkiye yabanc\u0131 say\u0131lm\u0131yordu. 1960\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de cereyan eden anti Amerikan faaliyetlerine, \u00c7in Kom\u00fcnist Gen\u00e7lik Te\u015fkilat\u0131 Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Hu Yaobang (eski \u00c7in Kom\u00fcnist Partisi Ba\u015fkan\u0131) ve \u00c7in \u0130sl\u00e2m Cemiyeti Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Borhan \u015eehidi (Eski Do\u011fu T\u00fcrkistan Genel Valisi) verdikleri beyanatlarla destek oldular. \u00c7in Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nin sesi olan Renmin Ribao da \u00f6zel ba\u015fyaz\u0131s\u0131yla T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye destek vermi\u015fti.<\/p>\n

So\u011fuk Sava\u015f\u2019tan sonra 1995\u2019te 9. Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 S\u00fcleyman Demirel \u00c7in\u2019i ziyaret ederek ikili ili\u015fkileri de\u011fi\u015fik bir boyuta g\u00f6t\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Siyas\u00ee ili\u015fkiler yaln\u0131zca ikili \u00e7er\u00e7evede kalmay\u0131p b\u00f6lgesel ve k\u00fcresel konularda fikir al\u0131\u015f-veri\u015finde de bulunulmu\u015ftu. Ticari ili\u015fkilerde kayda de\u011fer bir art\u0131\u015f olmasa da T\u00fcrkiye lehine geli\u015fen ikili ticaret ili\u015fkileri vard\u0131. Bu durum 1990\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llardan sonra de\u011fi\u015fmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bug\u00fcn \u00c7in\u2019in lehine geli\u015fen ikili ticaret ili\u015fkileri mevcuttur. Savunma-asker\u00ee boyutlu ili\u015fkiler de 90\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llardan itibaren geli\u015fmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f ve 1996 y\u0131l\u0131nda doruk noktas\u0131na ula\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrk-\u00c7in \u0130li\u015fkilerindeki Sorunlar<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrk-\u00c7in ili\u015fkilerinin geli\u015fmesiyle baz\u0131 problemler de ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u0130ki \u00fclkenin ulusal \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 ayn\u0131 olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, ulusal hedefleri farkl\u0131yd\u0131. Bir\u00e7ok alanda ortak \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 vard\u0131 ancak d\u0131\u015f politika \u00f6ncelikleri birbiriyle \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fm\u00fcyordu. Uluslararas\u0131 sorunlara olan bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n bir k\u0131sm\u0131 ayn\u0131 de\u011fildi. \u00d6rt\u00fc\u015fen g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen politikalar da farkl\u0131yd\u0131. Her iki \u00fclkeyi ilgilendiren b\u00f6lgesel sorunlar \u00fczerinde teorik olarak i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapma imk\u00e2nlar\u0131 olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, bug\u00fcne kadar bu alanda somut bir geli\u015fme g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015ftir.
\nEkonomik-ticari ili\u015fkiler T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin aleyhine geli\u015fmektedir. 1980\u2019li y\u0131llarda ikili ticaret ili\u015fkilerini artt\u0131rmak i\u00e7in belirlenen hedefe ula\u015f\u0131lamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131, hatta birlikte \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc bir \u00fclke ve b\u00f6lgeye y\u00f6nelme stratejisi de ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilememi\u015fti. Ancak asker\u00ee ili\u015fkiler giderek artmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu geli\u015fmelerle birlikte T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin pek haz\u0131r olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Do\u011fu T\u00fcrkistan sorunu da ikili ili\u015fkileri yoku\u015fa itmektedir. \u00d6zellikle T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de i\u015f d\u00fcnyas\u0131, ikili ticaretin engelini Do\u011fu T\u00fcrkistan sorunu olarak alg\u0131lamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

May\u0131s 1998\u2019de d\u00f6nemin Ba\u015fbakan Yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 B\u00fclent Ecevit\u2019in ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fi \u00c7in ziyaretinden itibaren, ili\u015fkilerde daha \u00e7ok ticaret ve Do\u011fu T\u00fcrkistan sorunlar\u0131 yer almaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00c7in\u2019in bu hassasiyetini dikkate alarak Aral\u0131k 1998\u2019de h\u00fck\u00fcmet, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki Do\u011fu T\u00fcrkistan ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 faaliyetlerini k\u0131s\u0131tlayan 36 No\u2019lu gizli genelgeyi yay\u0131nlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ankara, y\u00fckselmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f olan \u00c7in\u2019e, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Asya-Pasifik b\u00f6lge politikas\u0131n\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesinin g\u00fcvenilir partneri olarak bakmaktayd\u0131. 1999\u2019da \u00c7in Halk Kongresi Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Li Peng ve 2000\u2019de \u00c7in Devlet Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Jiang Zemin\u2019in T\u00fcrkiye ziyareti s\u0131ras\u0131nda, Do\u011fu T\u00fcrkistan faaliyetlerine kar\u015f\u0131 tedbirlerin al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u00c7in\u2019i b\u00f6lme faaliyetlerine izin verilmeyece\u011fi konusunda g\u00fcvence verilmi\u015fti. Hatta \u00c7in\u2019in talebi \u00fczerine 2000\u2019de h\u00fck\u00fcmet, d\u00f6nemin \u0130\u00e7i\u015fleri Bakan\u0131 Sadettin Tantan\u2019\u0131 \u00c7in\u2019e g\u00f6ndererek su\u00e7lular\u0131n iade edilmesine ili\u015fkin bir anla\u015fmaya imza atm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u0130ki \u00fclke cumhurba\u015fkanlar\u0131 S\u00fcleyman Demirel-Jiang Zemin aras\u0131nda ter\u00f6rizme kar\u015f\u0131 ortak deklarasyon yay\u0131nlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ankara ayn\u0131 zamanda ikili ili\u015fkilerine katk\u0131lar\u0131 bulundu\u011fu i\u00e7in Zemin\u2019e madalyon vermi\u015fti. DSP, ANAP ve MHP\u2019nin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu h\u00fck\u00fcmetin \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma program\u0131na \u201c\u00c7in Halk Cumhuriyeti ile ili\u015fkilerimizin \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc olarak geli\u015ftirilmesine \u00f6zen g\u00f6sterilecektir\u201d \u015feklinde \u00f6zel bir ibare de konulmu\u015ftu. Ba\u015fbakan Yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 Devlet Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin Haziran 2002\u2019de yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00c7in ziyaretiyle T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin iyi niyeti g\u00f6sterilmi\u015fti. 1999-2002 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye-\u00c7in ili\u015fkisinin bahar d\u00f6nemiydi. Fakat b\u00fct\u00fcn bu \u00e7abalara ra\u011fmen T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131lanamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u00c7in \u00fczerindeki \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131<\/p>\n

1. \u00c7in\u2019in uluslar aras\u0131 arenadaki etkisi: T\u00fcrkiye, \u00c7in\u2019in Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletler (BM) G\u00fcvenlik Konseyi Daimi \u00dcyesi olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131, giderek y\u00fckselmeye ba\u015flayan hatta 2030-2050 y\u0131llar\u0131nda ABD\u2019yi geride b\u0131rakarak d\u00fcnyan\u0131n s\u00fcper g\u00fcc\u00fc olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6rmektedir. \u00c7in ile ili\u015fkilerini geli\u015ftirerek T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin uluslararas\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n korunmas\u0131 ama\u00e7lanmaktad\u0131r.
\n2. Ticari \u00e7\u0131karlar: Bug\u00fcn \u00c7in d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc b\u00fcy\u00fck ticaret \u00fclkesi ve d\u00fcnyan\u0131n alt\u0131nc\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck ekonomik g\u00fcc\u00fcd\u00fcr. D\u00fcnya n\u00fcfusunun 1\/5\u2019ini olu\u015ftururken, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck pazar\u0131na sahiptir. T\u00fcrkiye, \u00c7in pazar\u0131ndaki pastadan pay\u0131n\u0131 almak niyetindedir.
\n3. PKK ve Kuzey K\u0131br\u0131s sorunu: T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin g\u00fcvenli\u011fi ve Kuzey K\u0131br\u0131s\u2019taki menfaatlerini korumak i\u00e7in uluslararas\u0131 platformunda \u00c7in\u2019in deste\u011finin al\u0131nmas\u0131 hedeflenmi\u015ftir.
\n4. F\u00fcze ve f\u00fcze teknolojisi alan\u0131nda i\u015fbirli\u011fi: T\u00fcrkiye d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en istikrars\u0131z b\u00f6lgelerinin tam ortas\u0131nda olup f\u00fcze sahibi kom\u015fu \u00fclkeler taraf\u0131ndan ku\u015fat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Cayd\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6zelli\u011fi olan bu t\u00fcr stratejik silahlara sahip olmas\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin g\u00fcvenli\u011fi i\u00e7in fevkalade \u00f6nem arz etmektedir. Bu alanda 1996\u2019da iki \u00fclke aras\u0131nda i\u015fbirli\u011fi anla\u015fmalar\u0131 yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin, b\u00fct\u00fcn bu \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 elde edebilmesi i\u00e7in \u00c7in ile yak\u0131n ili\u015fki sa\u011flamas\u0131 gerekmektedir. Ancak y\u00fckselmekte olan \u00c7in, ekonomik kalk\u0131nmas\u0131, asker\u00ee g\u00fcc\u00fc ve uluslararas\u0131 arenadaki etkisini T\u00fcrkiye ile hen\u00fcz payla\u015fmamaktad\u0131r. PKK ve Kuzey K\u0131br\u0131s konusunda \u00c7in her zamanki gibi temkinli davranmakta hatta \u00c7in taraf\u0131 PKK\u2019y\u0131 Do\u011fu T\u00fcrkistan meselesiyle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirerek T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi uyarmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130ki \u00fclkenin ekonomik ili\u015fkileri birbirini tamamlamamakla birlikte \u00fcrettikleri mallarla ayn\u0131 pazarda rekabet etmek zorundad\u0131rlar. \u00c7in\u2019in ucuz i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc ve ucuz fiyat\u0131yla T\u00fcrkiye rekabet edememektedir. Ayr\u0131ca \u00c7in ile olan ticari ili\u015fkilerde, iki \u00fclkenin ticaret mevzuat\u0131n\u0131n farkl\u0131 olmas\u0131, \u00c7in\u2019in ticarette ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olabilmek i\u00e7in \u00f6zel ili\u015fki kurallar\u0131n\u0131 bilmemesi ve en \u00f6nemlisi T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u00c7in\u2019de faaliyette bulunan d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen 500 \u015firketinden 400\u2019\u00fc ile m\u00fccadele edememesi gibi sebepler bulunmaktad\u0131r. A\u011fustos 2002\u2019den sonra ABD\u2019nin bask\u0131s\u0131ndan dolay\u0131 \u00c7in h\u00fck\u00fcmeti f\u00fcze ve f\u00fcze teknolojisi intikalini bir yasa ile engellemi\u015ftir. Bu durum T\u00fcrkiye-\u00c7in aras\u0131ndaki f\u00fcze teknolojisi i\u015fbirli\u011finin, \u00f6zellikle orta menzilli ve kat\u0131 yak\u0131tl\u0131 f\u00fczeler konusundaki i\u015fbirli\u011finin nas\u0131l s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclece\u011fi sorusunu akla getiriyor.<\/p>\n

\u00c7in\u2019in T\u00fcrkiye \u00fczerindeki \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131<\/p>\n

1. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u00f6zel stratejik konumu: Jeostratejik konumu olan T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi kazanman\u0131n, \u00c7in\u2019in b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00fclke olma r\u00fcyas\u0131n\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi i\u00e7in fevkalade \u00f6nemi vard\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi kullanarak jeopolitik anlamda rakiplerinin (ABD, AB, Rusya ve Hindistan) \u00c7in\u2019e tehdit olu\u015fturmas\u0131n\u0131 engellemi\u015f olacakt\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye ile olan iyi ili\u015fkileri \u00c7in\u2019in Avrasya\u2019daki etkinli\u011fini daha da artt\u0131racakt\u0131r.
\n2. Orta Asya ve Orta Do\u011fu b\u00f6lgelerinde enerji i\u015fbirli\u011fi: \u00c7in\u2019in ekonomik kalk\u0131nmas\u0131 ile enerji t\u00fcketimi h\u0131zla artmaktad\u0131r. \u00c7in petrol t\u00fcketiminin %40\u2019\u0131n\u0131 ithalat yoluyla temin etmektedir. Petrol ithalat\u0131n\u0131n %60\u2019\u0131 Ortado\u011fu b\u00f6lgesinden, %20\u2019si Orta Asya ve Hazar\u2019\u0131n do\u011fu k\u0131y\u0131s\u0131ndand\u0131r. \u00c7in, bu iki b\u00f6lgedeki enerji \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayabilmek i\u00e7in b\u00f6lgedeki bir g\u00fc\u00e7 ile i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapmak zorundad\u0131r. Bu b\u00f6lgenin enerji g\u00fcvenli\u011fini sa\u011flayabilecek en uygun \u00fclke ise T\u00fcrkiye\u2019dir.
\n3. S\u0131n\u0131r b\u00f6lge g\u00fcvenli\u011fi: \u00c7in\u2019in, Do\u011fu T\u00fcrkistan\u2019daki ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 faaliyetleri ortadan kald\u0131rmas\u0131 ve \u00fclke g\u00fcvenli\u011fini sa\u011flamas\u0131 i\u00e7in T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin deste\u011fine ihtiyac\u0131 vard\u0131r. Do\u011fu T\u00fcrkistanl\u0131lar M\u00fcsl\u00fcman T\u00fcrk halk\u0131 olmas\u0131yla birlikte, siyas\u00ee idare d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda di\u011fer b\u00fct\u00fcn be\u015feri alanlarda Orta Asya ve T\u00fcrkiye halk\u0131 ile bir b\u00fct\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Bu nedenle Do\u011fu T\u00fcrkistan, \u00c7in\u2019i bu b\u00f6lgelerden ay\u0131ran ve ayn\u0131 zamanda bu b\u00f6lgeleri birbirine ba\u011flayan bir b\u00f6lge olarak, yer\u00fcst\u00fc ve yeralt\u0131 zenginlikleriyle stratejik \u00f6nem kazanmaktad\u0131r. Do\u011fu T\u00fcrkistan sekiz devlet ile huduttur. Ayr\u0131ca siyas\u00ee g\u00fcvenli\u011fi de s\u00f6z konusudur. Do\u011fu T\u00fcrkistan kuzey, bat\u0131 ve g\u00fcneyden y\u00fcksek da\u011flarla ku\u015fat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, bu da asker\u00ee savunma konusunda \u00f6nemli bir konumda oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermektedir. Yani tarihte oldu\u011fu gibi g\u00fc\u00e7lenen \u00c7in, Do\u011fu T\u00fcrkistan\u2019\u0131n bu stratejik \u00f6zelli\u011finden istifade ederek her zaman Orta Asya b\u00f6lgelerine y\u00f6nelik stratejik derinlik politikas\u0131n\u0131 uygulayabilecektir. Ancak \u00c7in i\u00e7in stratejik \u00f6neme sahip olan bu b\u00f6lge, rakibi i\u00e7in de ayn\u0131 \u00f6nemi ifade etmektedir.<\/p>\n

Ancak \u00c7in, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019den endi\u015felidir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin tarihi ge\u00e7mi\u015fi, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin menfaat b\u00f6lgesinde (Balkan, Ortado\u011fu, Kafkasya ve Orta Asya) potansiyel bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olmas\u0131, Bat\u0131 ile entegre olmas\u0131 ve NATO \u00fcyesi olmas\u0131 gibi \u00f6zellikleri \u00c7in\u2019in T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye olan g\u00fcvenini zay\u0131flatmaktad\u0131r. \u00c7in, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ABD ile birlikte Ortado\u011fu veya Orta Asya\u2019da i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapmas\u0131ndan ya da T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin AB \u00fcyesi olmas\u0131yla AB\u2019nin do\u011fu s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 Orta Asya\u2019ya uzanarak \u00c7in\u2019in b\u00f6lgedeki menfaatlerini tehdit edebilece\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesindedir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi \u015eanghay \u0130\u015fbirli\u011fi \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc\u2019nden uzak tutmas\u0131 da bu endi\u015fenin bir yans\u0131mas\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7in\u2019in \u015fu a\u015famada, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Do\u011fu T\u00fcrkistan meselesini bir koz olarak kullanabilece\u011fi varsay\u0131mdan ibarettir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki Do\u011fu T\u00fcrkistan siyas\u00ee g\u00fc\u00e7leri Aral\u0131k 1998\u2019deki gizli genelge sonras\u0131 Bat\u0131l\u0131 \u00fclkelere ta\u015f\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Siyas\u00ee anlamda Do\u011fu T\u00fcrkistan meselesi T\u00fcrkiye\u2019den uzakla\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Yeni D\u00f6nemde Yeni \u0130li\u015fkiler<\/p>\n

\u00c7in\u2019in y\u00fckseli\u015fi 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck olaylar\u0131ndan biridir. Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n siyasal ve toplumsal de\u011ferleri ile farkl\u0131 olan \u00c7in\u2019in y\u00fckseli\u015fi, sadece Asya\u2019n\u0131n siyas\u00ee ve ekonomik dengelerini de\u011fi\u015ftirmekle kalmayacak, ayn\u0131 zamanda \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndan bu yana olu\u015fturulmu\u015f uluslararas\u0131 sistemde de etkisini g\u00f6sterecektir. Realizme g\u00f6re her hangi yeni y\u00fckselen bir g\u00fc\u00e7 mevcut hegemonyay\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131r. \u0130nsano\u011flunun son 500 y\u0131ll\u0131k tarihi bunu teyit etmektedir. Bu anlamda y\u00fckselen bir \u00c7in T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in de \u00f6nemlidir. Y\u00fckselmekte olan \u00c7in, en \u00e7ok ABD ve di\u011fer g\u00fc\u00e7leri endi\u015feye sokmaktad\u0131r. \u00c7in h\u00fck\u00fcmeti ne kadar Yeni G\u00fcvenlik Konsept ve Bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131 Y\u00fckseli\u015f gibi bir ifadeyle bu g\u00fc\u00e7leri yat\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorsa da, ku\u015fkular\u0131 gidermi\u015f de\u011fildir. \u00c7in ile beraberinde Hindistan ve Brezilya gibi \u00fclkeler de y\u00fckselmekte ve bunun yan\u0131nda Rusya, AB ve ABD gibi g\u00fc\u00e7ler de bulunmaktad\u0131r. D\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u00e7ok kutuplu sisteme y\u00f6nelece\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Bu \u00fclkelerin ilerdeki d\u00fcnya sistemine bi\u00e7im verece\u011fi de \u015f\u00fcphe g\u00f6t\u00fcrmez. \u015eu a\u015famada Balkanlar\u2019da, Ortado\u011fu\u2019da, Kafkasya ve Orta Asya\u2019da konjonkt\u00fcrel de\u011fi\u015fimden \u00e7ok yap\u0131sal de\u011fi\u015fimler ya\u015fanmaktad\u0131r. B\u00fct\u00fcn bu de\u011fi\u015fim T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin her y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc etkileyebilir. T\u00fcrkiye bu geli\u015fme s\u00fcrecini y\u00f6nlendiremese de geli\u015fmelerden kendi pay\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karmak mecburiyetindedir. Bu \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 sa\u011flayabilmesi i\u00e7in ad\u0131 ge\u00e7en g\u00fc\u00e7leri yak\u0131ndan takip etmeli ve stratejik planlar\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin milli \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck bir k\u0131sm\u0131 Bat\u0131\u2019dad\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin siyasi, ekonomik ve milli g\u00fcvenli\u011fi en \u00e7ok ABD ve Avrupa k\u0131tas\u0131 ile ilgilidir. \u0130kinci d\u00fczeydeki milli \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin menfaat alanlar\u0131d\u0131r. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc d\u00fczey ise T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin milli \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 ilgilendiren Rusya, \u00c7in ve Hindistan gibi di\u011fer g\u00fc\u00e7lerdir. Ancak bu statik durum de\u011fildir, zaman ve mek\u00e2na g\u00f6re baz\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7ler T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in daha \u00f6nemli olabilir. ABD ve AB T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin menfaat b\u00f6lgelerini etkileyebilece\u011fi gibi Rusya, \u00c7in ve Hindistan da ayn\u0131 i\u015flevi \u00fcstlenebilir. T\u00fcrkiye, birinci d\u00fczeydeki g\u00fc\u00e7lerle (ABD ve AB) ikili ili\u015fkileri geli\u015ftirebilir, ikinci ve \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc d\u00fczeydeki g\u00fc\u00e7lerle ise \u00e7ok tarafl\u0131 i\u015fbirli\u011fi ili\u015fkilerini geli\u015ftirebilir. Durumun de\u011fi\u015fimine g\u00f6re ikili ve \u00e7ok tarafl\u0131 i\u015fbirli\u011fini birlikte ele alabilir.<\/p>\n

Tarihten beri ikili iyi ili\u015fkiler ortak \u00e7\u0131karlar \u00fczerinde in\u015fa edilmektedir. Ortak \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 belli siyaset, ekonomi, g\u00fcvenlik, ideoloji ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr alanlar\u0131nda vas\u0131talar sa\u011flamas\u0131 gerekmektedir. T\u00fcrkiye-\u00c7in aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiler ortak \u00e7\u0131karlardan \u00e7ok iyi niyet ili\u015fkilerine dayand\u0131r\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. \u0130yi niyetli olmak her zaman kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 g\u00fcveni sa\u011flayamaz. Bu nedenle 1999\u2019dan bu yana geli\u015ftirilen T\u00fcrk-\u00c7in ili\u015fkileri pek ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye-\u00c7in ili\u015fkilerinin ortak \u00e7\u0131karlar zeminine oturtulmas\u0131 ve ortak \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n tespit edilmesi gerekmektedir. Tespit edilen \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 uyumlu hale getirebilmek i\u00e7in baz\u0131 politik ara\u00e7lar\u0131n geli\u015ftirilmesi zaruridir.
\nDr. Nuraniye H\u0130DAYET EKREM – UZAK DO\u011eU-PAS\u0130F\u0130K ARA\u015eTIRMALARI MASASI
\nhttp:\/\/savunmavestrateji.blogcu.com\/turk-cin-iliskilerinin-gelismesi\/481827<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

T\u00fcrkiye Paris B\u00fcy\u00fckel\u00e7isi Hasan Esat I\u015f\u0131k ile \u00c7in Halk Cumhuriyeti Paris B\u00fcy\u00fckel\u00e7isi Huang-chen aras\u0131nda 4 A\u011fustos 1971\u2019de imzalanan bir protokolle iki \u00fclke aras\u0131ndaki diplomatik ili\u015fki tesis edilmi\u015fti. Bu protokole g\u00f6re, \u201cBa\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k, egemenlik, i\u00e7 i\u015flerine kar\u0131\u015fmama, hak e\u015fitli\u011fi, toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 koruma prensibi \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde, bug\u00fcnden itibaren diplomatik ili\u015fkinin kurulmas\u0131na karar verilmi\u015ftir.\u201d Bu diplomasi belgesinin […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1,19],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-578","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-genel","category-turkiye-ve-cin"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/tr.uyghuracademy.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/578","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/tr.uyghuracademy.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/tr.uyghuracademy.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tr.uyghuracademy.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tr.uyghuracademy.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=578"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/tr.uyghuracademy.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/578\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":600,"href":"https:\/\/tr.uyghuracademy.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/578\/revisions\/600"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/tr.uyghuracademy.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=578"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tr.uyghuracademy.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=578"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tr.uyghuracademy.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=578"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}